International commodity marketslabor marketsand capital markets make up the economy and define economic globalization. In Sumeran early civilization in Mesopotamiaa token system was one of the first forms of commodity money. Labor markets consist of workers, employers, wages, income, supply and demand. Labor markets have been around as long as commodity markets.
These data suggest that legislation was driven by a national agenda, and that the pattern of which laws were passed was based not on where they were economically necessary, but on where they were politically feasible.
Understanding national legislative patterns The state-by-state pattern of public employment cuts, pension rollbacks, and union busting makes little sense from an economic standpoint.
But it becomes much more intelligible when understood as a political phenomenon. In Wisconsin, for instance, long-standing restrictions that limited corporate political spending were ruled invalid.
Much of the most dramatic legislation since has been concentrated in these 11 states. Particularly in states such as Michigan, Wisconsin, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, which have traditionally upheld high labor standards, the election provided a critical opportunity for corporate lobbies to advance legislative goals that had long lingered on wish lists.
Where Republicans found themselves in total control of states whose statutes had been shaped by a history of strong labor movements, employer associations and corporate lobbyists were eager to seize on this rare and possibly temporary authority to enact as much of their agenda as possible.
Who is behind this agenda? The past few years, however, have stood this axiom on its head: Local politics has become nationalized, with state legislation written by the staffs of national lobbies, funded in a coordinated effort by national and multinational corporations. The attacks on labor and employment standards have been driven by a powerful coalition of anti-union ideologues, Republican operatives, and corporate lobbies.
If Republicans cut off union funds and campaign volunteers in tossup states such as Michigan, Indiana, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, they could conceivably alter control of the federal government.
The anti-union campaigns have been primarily funded by a coalition of traditional corporate lobbies such as the Chamber of Commerce and National Association of Manufacturers, along with newer and more ideologically extreme organizations such as the Club for Growth and the Koch brothers—backed Americans for Prosperity.
Recent trends have conspired to endow this coalition with unprecedented political leverage. At the same time, elections for public office have become more expensive than ever, leaving politicians increasingly dependent on those with the resources to fund campaigns.
Finally, the Citizens United decision abolished longstanding restrictions on corporate political spending. In this way, the dramatically unequal distribution of wealth has translated into similarly outsized political influence for those at the top.
The elections saw record levels of spending by business political action funds.
Legislators are invited to conferences—often at posh resorts—where committees composed of equal numbers of public and private officials draft proposals for model legislation.
Thus state legislators with little time, staff, or expertise are able to introduce fully formed and professionally supported legislation. For instance, ALEC receives money from energy companies and lobbies against environmental controls; it receives money from drug companies and advocates prohibiting cities from importing discounted drugs from Canada; and it received money from Coca-Cola and lobbied against taxes on sugary soft drinks.
A common strategy ALEC employs to advance its agenda is to develop multiple model bills addressing the same issue. ALEC and its legislative partners then calibrate their bills to what they believe is politically feasible in a given place at a particular time.
For yet more-moderate legislators, ALEC has model legislation that, while perhaps allowing a one-time increase in the minimum wage, opposes tying the wage to annual increases in inflation.The New Economic Policy (NEP) (Malay: its objectives and implementation methods as well as its impact on the Malaysian economy in general.
Policy overview. The New Economic Policy (NEP) which began with the Second Malaysia Plan (), and lasted until the Fifth. The New Economic Policy (NEP) was a revised economic strategy, introduced by Lenin and the Soviet government in It was introduced to provide “breathing space” for Russia’s depleted and war ravaged economy.
The main feature of the NEP was to relax the severe restrictions and grain. O ver the past two years, state legislators across the country have launched an unprecedented series of initiatives aimed at lowering labor standards, weakening unions, and eroding workplace protections for both union and non-union workers.
This policy agenda undercuts the ability of low- and middle-wage workers, both union and non-union, to earn a decent wage.
Research References. The following references are selected from publications within the past five years. These articles were selected to demonstrate the range of social work research related to poverty, its causes, and its impact on people and related social systems.
Please cite this paper as: Cingano, F. (), “Trends in Income Inequality and its Impact on Economic Growth”, OECD Social, Employment and. Host organizations North America American Association of People with Disabilities; American Library Association; Cato Institute; Center for Data Innovation.